Home » News Category » Research and Scholarly Work

Research and Scholarly Work

Congratulations to our faculty who have been awarded Faculty Funds for Advancement Grants, Special Purpose Advancement Grants, Subvention Funds, and Junior Faculty Summer Fellowships.

 

 

 

Advancement Grants (Formerly Innovation Grants)

  • Alicia Volk - ARTH
    Book Project: Democratizing Japanese Art, 1945-1960 
  • Piotr Kosicki - HIST
    Book Project: New King of Progressive: How Poles, Germans, and the CIA Re-made Venezuela
  • Abigail McEwen - ARTH
    Exhibition Digitization: María Martínez-Cañas: Rebus and Remembrance
  • Vessela Valiavitcharska - ENGL
    Collaborative Translation Project: The Synopsis of Rhetoric of Joseph Rhakendytes: An Outline of Fourteenth Century Rhetorical Education

Special Purpose Advancement Grants

  • Jose Magro - SLLC/SPAP
    Book Project: Language and Antiracism in the (Spanish) Language Classroom

Junior Faculty Summer Fellowship

  • Elisa Gironzetti - SLLC/SPAP
    Book Project: The Multimodal Performance of Conversational Humor
  • Emily Egan - ARTH
    Book Project: Palace of Nestor VII: The Painted Floors of the Megaron
  • Patrick Chung - HIST
    Book Project: Making Korea Global

Subvention

  • Peter Grybauskas - ENGL
    A Sense of Tales Untold: Exploring the Edges of Tolkien’s Literary Canvas
  • Thayse Lima - SLLC/SPAP
    Latin Americanizing Brazil: Intellectual Exchanges and Brazil’s Integration in Latin America

Take charge of how you hear about funding opportunities which align with your research priorities!   

THREE DATES OFFERED - PLEASE ONLY SIGN UP FOR ONE!!

 

 

Webinar Workshop dates: 

  • Tuesday 4/6 11am – 12pm EST
  • Tuesday 4/13 1:30 – 2:30pm EST
  • Thursday 4/22 1:30 – 2:30pm EST

Where:    Online – at your desk

With:        Bill DeCocco, InfoEd

RSVP to: https://vprwebtool.wufoo.com/forms/spin-webinars-spring-2021/

                (150 spots per session)

Harness the power of SPINPlus – the funding search database available to all UMD faculty, staff and students, free of charge.  The system provides a modern full-text search which is run against the company’s proprietary database. 

Highlights include:

·        Public (government – Federal and State) and private (foundations) funding opportunities

·        Results are returned to the user in relevancy ranked format, and can be further sorted, grouped, or filtered

·        Searches/funding profiles can be saved for future use

·        Search results can be set up to send daily or weekly notification alerts

·        Basic training video tutorials are available on the site

This webinar will cover basic login, searches, and notifications from the system. There is a limit of 150 individual log-ins to the webinar on each date, therefore RSVPs to https://vprwebtool.wufoo.com/forms/spin-webinars-spring-2021/ will be taken on a first-come, first-served basis.

Don’t wait for the webinar!  Login today and try out your own searches.  See the SPIN Quick Guide attached! 

Login here:  https://spin.infoedglobal.com/Authorize/Login; then click on, “Need to create a new profile?” You will need to create one to follow along with the webinar so please do so (if you do not already have one!) !! You must have a profile to participate in the webinars.

If you need to reset your password/profile, please send me a message.  

Let me know if you have any questions!! Best,Hana Hana Kabashi, MA, CRAResearch Development OfficeOffice of the Vice President for ResearchUniversity of Maryland, College Parkhkabashi@umd.edu301-405-4178

 

3/19/21

By Viet Thanh Nguyen and Janelle Wong  

The Asian American sense of belonging was already fragile before a White gunman killed six of us among his eight victims in Atlanta this past week. The slayings reinforce a sense of heightened vulnerability among a group that had reported nearly 3,800 incidents of anti-Asian bias over the last year. The alleged killer told police that race wasn’t a motive, but given his targets, that is just not credible. Partly, no doubt, those incidents came thanks to President Donald Trump’s insistence on calling the coronavirus the “China virus” and the “Kung flu.” Many recognized early that such words aligned him with a strain of hatred — and accompanying vigilante violence — that has existed in the United States for as long as Asian immigrants have been here.

But it’s too simple to blame Trump for what is happening. In the 1980s, officials from both parties cast Japan as the economic enemy; now it is China, one of the few issues about which Democrats and Republicans agree. And yes, it’s true that China is an extremely bad actor when it comes to espionage and human rights. But decades of official U.S. foreign policy and rhetoric from the pundit class have had a unique effect on Asian Americans. When the government frets about Russian hacking and election interference, there is little consequence for Americans of Russian heritage. When officials express fears over China or other Asian countries, Americans immediately turn to a timeworn racial script that questions the loyalty, allegiance and belonging of 20 million Asian Americans. Most Americans are not skilled at distinguishing between people of different Asian origins or ancestries, and the result is that whenever China is attacked, so are Asian Americans as a whole.

While former president Barack Obama and President Biden have both denounced anti-Asian violence, as they should, they have also spent their careers embracing critical takes on China that have overlapped with Trump’s and that may have helped accelerate Sinophobic sentiment in the United States. Trump called China a “threat to the world” and advocated a hard economic line against the country, but even Biden has vowed to continue a tough stance. This includes an initiative that civil rights groups say opens the door to the racial profiling of Chinese American scientists by giving extra scrutiny to their tax records, visa applications and other documents. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said this month that “China is our pacing threat.”

[In Trump’s vision, immigrants should be grateful and servile]

The news is full of paranoia about Asian Americans and Asian immigrants. Some Chinese American scientists have been wrongly charged on the assumption that they are spies. In 1999, scientist Wen Ho Lee was accused of passing nuclear secrets to China and held, often in shackles, for nine months. In the end, the judge overseeing his case freed him, complaining that he’d suffered an abuse of government power. To be sure, spies from China, like those from all major powers, operate here. But research shows that innocent Asian Americans fall under suspicion because of their race or last names. (This is the same instinct behind the racial profiling that targets Black and Brown people.) In 2014, for instance, Sherry Chen was wrongly arrested on suspicion of espionage, charged and suspended from her job as an analyst at the National Weather Service. The charges were later dropped.

While it is ever-lurking, the prominence of anti-Asian bias in U.S. life is cyclical. Though Asian Americans are often cast as a success story because of their high average levels of education and income, many Americans, at times of economic stress and uncertainty over U.S. global standing, associate Asian faces with a foreign threat. In the 1980s, alarm that Japan would corner the affordable-car market led to Asian-bashing and increased hate crimes against Asian Americans, including the murder of Chinese American Vincent Chin in 1982 by two White Detroit autoworkers who mistook him for Japanese. The supposed threat was captured by the 1993 movie “Rising Sun,” in which the Japanese villain ate sushi off the body of a naked White woman, recalling World War II propaganda that showed Japanese soldiers threatening White women with rape.

Anti-Asian bias extends beyond people of Chinese origin. Four of the six Asian women who were killed in Atlanta were of Korean origin, with the two others possibly of Chinese origin. Last March, two young children and their father were stabbed in a Sam’s Club in Midland, Tex., by a man who believed the victims, of Myanmar origin, were from China and responsible for spreading the coronavirus. Data from the Asian American Voter Survey shows that, last summer, more than half of all Asian Americans, regardless of national origin, worried about pandemic-related hate crimes, harassment and discrimination.

There is historical reason that Asian Americans feel targeted, scapegoated and vilified. In the late 1800s, the Page Act and the Chinese Exclusion Act effectively ended Chinese immigration, based on fears that these immigrants would pollute the nation with disease, immorality and foreign habits. The laws were the official expression of many years of anti-Chinese violence, including the 1871 massacre of 17 Chinese men in Los Angeles and the 1887 killing of as many as 34 Chinese miners in Deep Creek, Ore. During World War II, many Americans assumed that Japanese Americans were no different from the Japanese and therefore constituted a subversive threat; more than 120,000, many of them citizens, were interned. Thirty years later, Vietnamese refugees faced hostility, including racist attacks on Vietnamese fishermen by the Ku Klux Klan in Texas. After 9/11, heightened American fears about Muslims led to violence that targeted anybody who appeared to be Muslim, including the murder of Sikh American Balbir Singh Sodhi, a gas station owner in Mesa, Ariz., whose killer identified him as a “towel head.” In 2012, a white supremacist killed six Sikh worshipers in Oak Creek, Wis.

[Books by immigrants, foreigners and minorities don’t diminish the ‘classic’ curriculum. They enhance it.]

Meanwhile, China emerged in the 1990s to replace Japan as a future competitor the United States must beware of. The “Chinagate” controversy involved alleged efforts by Chinese operatives, supposedly at the behest of the Chinese government, to influence the Clinton administration with donations. National Review turned to yellowface to depict Bill and Hillary Clinton and Al Gore as “Manchurian candidates” with buck teeth, foreshadowing how quickly Americans might turn to anti-Chinese stereotypes under sufficient fear or pressure, as Trump did. China obviously does compete economically with the United States. But so does the European Union, which Democrats, Republicans and the press do not characterize as a threat.

...

To continue reading the full article, click the source below.

3/22/21

By Liam Farrell

A disturbing trend of increased discrimination and violence against Asians and Asian Americans hit a terrifying new level in the United States last week with the shooting deaths of eight people, including six Asian women, at three Georgia spas.

University of Maryland study last year that surveyed more than 500 Chinese Americans nationwide found nearly half had been targeted by racist vitriol blaming them for the coronavirus pandemic. A separate investigation found anti-Asian hate crimes reported to police spiked 150% from 2019 to 2020 in the 16 of the largest U.S. cities even as overall hate crime reports fell 7%.

Janelle Wong headshot

Janelle Wong, professor of American studies and government and politics, and a faculty member in the Asian American Studies Program at UMD, spoke to Maryland Today after the mass shooting about the anxiety building in the Asian American community for the past year, how racial history is replaying and ways that the UMD community can help prevent future tragedies.

How were Asian and Asian American communities feeling before Tuesday’s events?
There’s definitely been an intensified feeling of anxiety as the pandemic has rolled on—survey results from AAPI Data, where I am a senior researcher, show substantial numbers of Asian Americans worrying about experiencing hate crimes, harassment and discrimination because of COVID-19. It was triggered to some extent by some U.S. leaders and elected officials calling the pandemic the “China virus” and the “kung flu” and people in our communities knowing there is a much longer history of Asian Americans being blamed for the introduction of disease to the United States. As part of the political justification for the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and subsequent acts that severely restricted immigration from Asia, they were painted as vessels of diseases like smallpox and bubonic plague. There is this stereotype of Asian Americans as fundamentally foreign, that they have dual loyalties and that they bring unfamiliar foods and culture and possibly disease.

How do you put the shootings into context with the overall rise of anti-Asian discrimination?
The roots of the anxiety over belonging and fears of Asian American otherness we see today go back much further in history, really to the moment Asian Americans arrived on U.S. shores. We saw it not only in the 1880s, when Chinese immigrants were driven out of small towns across the Western U.S. by vigilante gangs and when Congress had to find reasons to justify restrictions on immigration and naturalization based on race, but again in World War II with the internment of Japanese Americans. In the 1970s, when Vietnamese refugees were attacked and vilified as a foreign threat even though they were here as the result of U.S. war-making. We saw it again after 9/11 with attacks on Sikhs and South Asian Americans who were assumed to be terrorists. These same ideas about Asian invaders, what scholars refer to as the “Yellow Peril” trope, are easily and consistently called up and activated in times of national insecurity, economic instability or the uncertainty and fear of a global pandemic.  

There are unanswered questions about whether the alleged shooter was motivated by racial animus or sexual frustrations. Meanwhile, some alleged assailants of Asian Americans over the past year are also people of color. Are we looking at multiple motivations, or does something tie all this together?
What happened in Atlanta was both racialized and gendered violence. It affected some of the most vulnerable people in our communities: They were economically vulnerable, working outside of their homes, during the pandemic, in close quarters. It’s important for a full understanding to see the intersection of their race and their gender and their economic status. In addition, the shooter’s religious views seem like a critical part of the story.

I don’t think that every attack on Asian Americans is necessarily racially motivated. I think some of the incidents we are seeing are street crimes that might be a function of economic conditions and a concentration of stressors that are related to the pandemic. We are also seeing that racial discrimination presents itself in different forms. There is attention to violence and bias directed toward Asian Americans at this moment, for good reason. But Asian Americans are certainly not alone in experiencing violence based on race. Asian Americans are among the least likely to face police brutality while Black Americans are among the most. And racism is not only experienced through physical violence.  The form that racial discrimination takes varies across groups.

There is a high possibility that the shooter was focused on those establishments due to both racialized and sexualized fantasies that are applied to Asian American women via media images and other kinds of popular culture. We can’t really look at this incident simply in terms of Asian Americans’ racial position in society. Instead, it presents an opportunity to examine the ways that the experience of racism depends on gender and economic status. Equally critical is to take this moment as an opportunity to better see how discrimination travels both through and across communities of color. We see anti-Asian bias in communities of color, and we see anti-Black attitudes in Asian American communities. One key to decreasing that discrimination is to focus on the historical and systematic drivers of discrimination: racial segregation in neighborhoods, schools and the workplace. We must confront with policy changes the systems that have contributed to a society for which one prominent feature is racial caste. That means supporting proactive ways to dismantle racial inequality, including affirmative action, redistricting to create less segregated schools, fundamental reconsideration of policing systems, and redirecting economic resources and wealth. 

How does the “model minority” stereotype of Asian Americans as wealthy, educated high achievers complicate the discussions of racial discrimination?
On the one hand, Asian Americans are not always included in discussions of racial discrimination, even though they face racism as non-whites in the U.S. On the other, Asian Americans do possess some important group advantages that are related to race. For example, that Asian Americans exhibit, on average—although not across every Asian national-origin group—the highest levels of income and education in the U.S. This is in part due to immigration laws that recruit highly educated immigrants to the U.S. from Asia (less than 10% of Chinese have a college degree, but more than 50% of Chinese American immigrants do!). Asian Americans face bias in terms of being seen as foreign and perhaps lacking aggressive leadership qualities, but we are also the only non-white group that is assumed via implicit bias to be super competent and smart. The latter, when held by teachers, can actually improve academic performance among Asian American students. This is a complex moment, and it highlights the complicated position of Asian Americans in the larger racial landscape. To spin things out a bit further, the idea that Asian Americans are uber-smart and hardworking, what you refer to as the model minority stereotype, also serves to cover over the economic and mental health struggles of many in our community and reinforces the idea that Asian Americans don’t face any challenges related to race. The tragedy of the shootings in Atlanta are a sad reminder of that false claim.

What can people in the UMD community do to help?
This is really a moment where we can reflect on the potential for solidarity across different groups. The kind of racial profiling and racial targeting that Asians are experiencing is different from. but still related to, the profiling and stigmatization that other racial groups face. The pain we as Asian Americans feel is pain that is felt by so many groups, including Indigenous, Black, Latinx and LGBT people, and members of religious minorities. In these horrific moments we can see one another and recognize that these shared experiences are something we need to confront together.

What the University of Maryland has is the potential to develop a deeper understanding among all students of race and racism in the United States. We have a robust set of courses to help students understand how we got here, where these stereotypes come from and why attending to race, gender, sexuality and other kinds of potential axes of marginalization is critical. 

3/24/21

 

 

 

 

Dear Research Colleagues,

On April 5, 2021, we will transition to the next phase for on-campus research other than human subjects research. Researchers will be allowed to increase occupancy of all research spaces up to 75% occupancy provided they observe the following 4 Maryland guidelines within that space:

  1. Wear a properly fitting mask over your nose and mouth around others at all times, both indoors and outdoors
  2. Wash your hands often and clean and disinfect frequently used surfaces
  3. Practice physical distancing as per campus guidance (Current guidance: 6 ft)
  4. Stay home if you are sick

These restrictions apply for all researchers regardless of vaccination status.

As previously, human subjects research will be reviewed on a case-by-case basis through the UMD IRB process.

We have been operating in Phase 2 -- intermediate presence -- since August 2020. Over the past seven months, researchers have adhered to the 4 Maryland guidelines and demonstrated the ability to maintain safe practices in our research settings in order to prevent community transmission of the disease. This has informed our decision to move to increased occupancy at this time.

However, the pandemic is not over. We will continue to carefully monitor the situation, and may need to impose additional safety practices if we see any evidence of community transmission in our research spaces. The health and safety of our entire campus community is most important as we resume our critical research activities. As a reminder, all faculty, staff and students physically on campus must be tested for COVID-19 every two weeks throughout the spring semester.

We will continue to monitor researchers' health and safety and if all progresses well in this phase, we hope to be able to move to full occupancy of research spaces by summer 2021.

Thank you for all of your hard work to keep our research enterprise going throughout this difficult year. We appreciate everything that you do to make the University of Maryland a powerhouse of research and an economic engine for the state of Maryland.

Laurie E. Locascio Signature
Laurie E. Locascio
Vice President for Research

 

2/18/21

By William Robin, Assistant Professor, Musicology & Ethnomusicology

“When things are tough all around us, we dream,” the composers Michael Gordon, David Lang and Julia Wolfe wrote in a letter to potential donors in 1996.

Bang on a Can, the contemporary music organization they had founded a decade before, had recently lost about a fifth of its budget because of massive cuts to the National Endowment for the Arts. But Gordon, Lang and Wolfe were undeterred.

“It’s a Bang on a Can thing,” they added in the letter. “Just as arts funding is collapsing, we’re mounting new projects to build a new audience for a new kind of music.” Within a year, the group had started one such project: the People’s Commissioning Fund, an innovative program which pooled small donations in order to commission composers to write works for a house ensemble, the Bang on a Can All-Stars.

This venture was a direct response to the perilous climate for American artists in the 1990s. When Newt Gingrich’s legislative manifesto, Contract With America, swept a Republican majority into Congress in 1994, the N.E.A. was on the chopping block. Since the late ’80s, when evangelical Christians denounced the photographs of Andres Serrano and Robert Mapplethorpe on obscenity grounds, the arts endowment had been a central target of conservative ire. In 1995, Congress voted to slash the N.E.A. budget by 40 percent — and, even more drastic, to eliminate nearly all grants awarded to individual artists.

 

For American composers, who had relied on those grants for decades, the dangers were clear. “There is no art without artists,” representatives of the American Music Center wrote to Jane Alexander, President Bill Clinton’s N.E.A. chairman, before the congressional cuts. “Direct support to artists makes possible research and development in the arts, not only for artists themselves but for the future of art. The resulting work of individual artists can sometimes be messy or controversial, but it is necessary.”

After the cuts, institutions scrambled to adapt to getting even less support than the middling assistance the government had previously offered. “Funding for individual artists has been under attack for years, and with N.E.A.’s ongoing cutbacks the situation has become even more grim. We decided to take matters into our own hands, and began appealing directly to the people to support new work,” Michael Gordon wrote in 1999 of the creation of the People’s Commissioning Fund two years earlier.

The directors of Bang on a Can had long been taking matters into their own hands, creating a home for avant-garde music amid a decline in public funding. Arriving in New York in the mid-1980s fresh from graduate studies at Yale, Gordon, Lang and Wolfe had tired of the kind of new-music concerts that seemed to cater exclusively to a small circle of fellow musicians.

They wanted to reach a broader public. In 1987, they put on the first Bang on a Can Festival, a 12-hour marathon that they billed as an “eclectic supermix of composers and styles from the serial to the surreal.” They heavily promoted the concert, mailing out fliers, hanging posters and pitching newspapers for coverage. They kept ticket prices low, sold beer at the venue — a gallery in SoHo — and skipped traditional concert niceties like program notes. It worked: The gallery reached capacity, with more than 400 people dropping by into the early hours of the morning.

 

To read the full article click here.

William Robin’s book “Industry: Bang on a Can and New Music in the Marketplace” will be published on Feb. 22 by Oxford University Press. That evening, he will discuss it with the music critic Allan Kozinn in a livestreamed event hosted by the 92nd Street Y.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Associate Professor Erich Sommerfeldt has been selected by the National Academy of Sciences for a 2021 Jefferson Science Fellowship. During his fellowship in Washington, D.C., Sommerfeldt will take an advisory role with the U.S. Department of State to provide expertise in policy decisions for U.S. public diplomacy around the globe.

Jefferson Science Fellows spend one year at the State Department or USAID for an on-site assignment in Washington, D.C., that may involve extended stays at U.S. foreign embassies and missions. Sommerfeldt will be attached to the Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs' Office of Research, Planning, and Resources (R/PPR). His activities will include developing policy and planning to help enhance the delivery and evaluation of U.S. diplomatic programs. During the fellowship term, Sommerfeldt will also deliver a lecture as part of the Jefferson Science Distinguished Lecture Series.

Sommerfeldt’s expertise includes research into the nature of relationships among nongovernmental organizations in development and diplomacy practice. Sommerfeldt said, “I’ve spent my entire academic career studying the networks of relationships among organizations that deliver development and diplomacy programs. Adapting these skills to the work of the State Department seems like a natural extension of my capabilities and I look forward to putting my skills to use in the service of the State Department and the American people.”

Sommerfeldt joined UMD in 2012. He has previously advised both the Department of State and USAID on research and evaluation methods for development and diplomacy. He been invited to lecture by the Department of Defense Information School (DINFOS), the U.S. Air Force, U.S. Army Reserve, and NATO.

Following his tenure as a Jefferson Science Fellow in Washington, D.C., Sommerfeldt will remain available to the U.S. State Department as a consultant for short-term projects over the subsequent five years.

Award-winning author and social justice scholar discusses the criminalization of Black girls in schools.

Date of Publication: 
2021-03-04
2/9/21

By Scott Jaschik

A great debate about the classics took place in American higher education in the 19th century. The debate was about the dominant role of the classics (then), to the exclusion of most other fields. Eric Adler, associate professor of classics at the University of Maryland at College Park, analyzes that debate to look at the humanities today in The Battle of the Classics: How a 19th-Century Debate Can Save the Humanities Today (Oxford University Press). He argues that learning the right lessons about the debate (and no, that's not just to read the Latin and Greek classics) can inform today's debates about the humanities and lead to a more global sense of the humanities.

Adler responded via email to questions about his book.

Q: What were the 19th-century debates about the classics?

A: In early America, study of the masterpieces of ancient Greek and Latin literature in their original languages (which was then synonymous with “the humanities” as a whole) was the linchpin of higher education. Greatly shaped by the tenets of Renaissance humanism, the early American colleges required all their students to study classical masterworks, because it was believed that these works could perfect one’s character and style. These institutions thus saw higher education chiefly as a moral enterprise and believed that the classics enabled the young to improve their character.

Even before the founding of the U.S., this humanist conception of higher education had many detractors. Why, critics wondered, must educated Americans learn the classical languages? And why did the prescribed curricula of the early American colleges provide comparatively scant attention to the natural and social sciences?

Although critics had long demanded answers to these and kindred questions, the fight over the dominant role of the classical languages in U.S. higher learning came to a head in the 19th century, especially in its last few decades. This led to the so-called Battle of the Classics of the 1880s and 1890s, in which the American press devoted great attention to the place of the classical languages in elite U.S. colleges. The “traditionalists” in these debates wanted Latin and Greek to remain required elements of college study. Their opponents, often called “modernists,” by contrast, aimed to end curricular prescription and usher in an elective curriculum inspired by laissez-faire economics and social Darwinism.

Q: What was wrong with the defenses of the classics then?

A: The traditionalistic supporters of the classical languages in the 19th century failed to connect the study of Greek and Latin to Renaissance humanism. Thus, they neglected the chief rationale for the humanities: that they could help people live up to their higher potentialities.

Instead, such traditionalists argued that the classical languages must remain obligatory elements of the American collegiate curriculum because Greek and Latin supposedly offered unparalleled “mental discipline.” Promoters of mental discipline theory conceived of the mind as a sort of muscle. Just as one needs to exercise one’s body in order to grow strong, one must also exercise one’s mind to increase its various faculties. Traditionalists thus contended that the classical languages provided the most effective form of mental gymnastics.

It did not take long for the modernists to debunk these claims. As various social scientists quickly noted, the traditionalists presented scarcely any proof that studying the classical languages was more taxing than studying, say, chemistry or German. To make matters worse, by stressing the importance of “mental discipline,” the traditionalists had unwittingly made social scientists the arbiters of education’s value. Unlike humanists, after all, social scientists could test empirically which subjects most effectively promoted mental discipline. Thus, the traditionalists in the Battle of the Classics were trounced.

Q: How does the 19th-century debate relate to the battles over the humanities today?

A: These earlier disputes are crucial for us to understand now because such instrumental approaches still dominate apologetics for the modern humanities. As I demonstrate in the first chapter of my book, contemporary defenders of the humanities overwhelmingly focus on the modern humanistic disciplines as incubators for something called critical thinking. And as the educational historian David Potts has correctly stressed, “critical thinking” is mental discipline’s “conceptual successor.” Our current defenses of the modern humanistic disciplines, which genuflect to “critical thinking,” suffer from the same flaws detectable in the traditionalists’ defenses of the classical humanities during the Battle of the Classics. Promoters of the humanities desperately need to reconnect their subjects to humanism. We must not only focus on skills, but also on humanistic content -- and what that content can mean for students’ inner lives.

Q: What is wrong with the Great Books as a prism through which to promote liberal education?

A: Promoters of the Great Books approach to general education were understandably disturbed by the antihumanistic curricular anarchy ushered in the U.S. colleges after the fall of the old prescribed classical course. But, like the Renaissance humanists before them, they settled on a curricular foundation that was too narrow to fit the intellectual and moral needs of the present. By grounding general education in the study of Western works alone, they were ignoring major elements of contemporary humanistic study. The Analects of Confucius, African art, Japanese Noh drama -- these and so much more are part of the modern humanities. Why should they be left out of our general education?

Q: What is your vision for the humanities today? And is it a vision for all of the humanities or only for those who want a true liberal arts experience?

A: In the final chapters of my book, I argue in favor of a core curriculum to revive the modern humanities. But, following the educational insights of Irving Babbitt (1865-1933), I insist on a core curriculum that is omnicultural.

Babbitt greatly broadened the humanistic tradition, to allow it to look beyond its classical and Western origins. He did so by stressing what he called the Platonic problem of the One and the Many. Human beings, he noted, are simultaneously all different and all the same. All human traditions, he posited, have contributed to the wisdom of the ages, a nucleus of universal human experience that could help us determine salubrious standards for life. A proper approach to the humanities, then, should center around the study of global masterworks. From such works, we can attempt to detect whether there is a central core of human wisdom that can guide us as we grapple with the best ways to live.

I think that a humanistic education, because it is so crucial to character development, must be experienced by all who aim to lead a serious and fulfilling life. Eschewing character development in favor of strict vocationalism, furthermore, is a danger to society. We cannot presume -- as the pedagogical romantics responsible for the elective system presumed -- that young people will naturally use their pragmatic training for altruistic purposes. As genuine humanists have implicitly noted throughout the centuries, we cannot improve the world if we cannot improve ourselves.

      

2/22/21

A few years ago, I asked the students in one of my Asian-American studies classes whether they had voted in the 2016 election. Most of the students in the class identified as Asian-American and for many that year was the first time they had reached voting age. If they had not voted, I asked the reason.

Beyond the age requirement to cast a ballot in presidential elections, there are other reasons why the students in my classes might not be eligible to vote. Sometimes students are not eligible because they are visiting on international student visas or because they are permanent residents who came to the U.S. at a young age, and have not yet become citizens.

It was not until after I asked the question that I realized that one of my students who had not voted in 2016 was avoiding eye contact. A year earlier, the student had disclosed their status as an undocumented immigrant to me, and they clearly did not want to share the information with the class.

I had seen and often cited the startling statistic that one of every seven Asian-American immigrants were undocumented. I had been part of a group of staff, students and faculty advocating for resources for undocumented students on campus, and I had been to many immigrant rights rallies focused on DACA.

But that day I had allowed myself to teach that class as if none of the students in my mostly Asian-American class could be undocumented. And this is the problem with the current debates over undocumented immigration. Too often, even those of us with the best of intentions fail to consider that policies that affect undocumented immigrants affect each and every one of our ethnic and racial communities.

Maryland is home to over 415,000 Asian-Americans making up approximately 7% of the population. Around 266,000 of them are immigrants and around 39% of Maryland’s Asian-American population are limited English proficient. The issues of legalization and immigration enforcement are too often thought of only as a Latino issue. In fact, there are around 35,000 undocumented Asian immigrants living in Maryland.

The Maryland Trust Act (SB88/HB304) disentangles Maryland government services, including policing, from immigration enforcement and forbids government employees from inquiring into people’s immigration status. It will have a direct effect on Asian-American undocumented people in our state, who are too often overlooked in debates over immigration. And, this legislation is good for all of our communities because research shows that jurisdictions with community trust policies (also known as sanctuary policies) are safer than comparable jurisdictions without them.

A group of Asian-American activists have turned out in opposition to community trust policies at the state and local level in Maryland in the past with a variety of Trump-like talking points. This mobilization is troubling on multiple levels, but particularly because other opposing organizations such as Help Save Maryland have ties to national organizations such as the Federation for American Immigration Reform that have white nationalist roots and seek to lower overall levels of immigration to the U.S. including legal immigration.

But these activists don’t speak for all Asian-Americans. A 2020 survey of Asian-American voters shows that 59% of Asian-Americans endorse a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and 55% support the government expanding health care to undocumented immigrants.

Asian-American voters are behind strong immigrant rights policies.

— JANELLE WONG 

The writer teaches Asian-American studies at the University of Maryland, College Park and is co-director of Montgomery County Progressive Asian American Network.

 

Pages

Subscribe to RSS - Research and Scholarly Work